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Collegiate
Case
Study
THE NATION’S NEWSPAPER
Diversity in the workplace
These are America’s
governors. No blacks.
No Hispanics.
By Kathy Kiely
What will it take to insure diversity in the workplace? What can we put in place that
would achieve what Affirmative Action was supposed to do? With more populations
seeking opportunities on U.S. shores, the focus on diversity and a bias free workplace
has shifted from the ’60s two-culture mentality to a rainbow of issues. This case study
takes a look at how far we have come in leveling the playing field and how far we
have to go.
Indiana coaches mark
social change
By Steve Wieberg
Bias suits put spotlight on
workplace diversity
By Stephanie Armour
Philanthropist nurtures
tech start-up by women
By Jim Hopkins
Too-bright spotlight burns
female CEOs
By Gary Strauss and Del Jones
Case Study Expert:
Mike Smith
Adjunct Professor and Assistant Professor of
Education, Niagara University: Adjunct Professor
of Education, D’Youville College
These are America’s
governors. Noblacks.
NoHispanics.
For many reasons, statewide offices still
elude minorities. The U.S. Senate is no more
representative of the nation’s diversity.
By Kathy Kiely
WASHINGTON — It’s a fact so obvious
and so widely accepted that it’s not even a
political issue. But if the U.S. Senate and
the National Governors’ Association were
private clubs, their membership rosters
would be a scandal.
They’re virtually lily white.
Not a single black or Hispanic is to be
found among the nation’s sitting
governors. The same is true for the Senate,
whose 100 members represent a
population that is 12.5% Hispanic and
12.3% black.
As the nation celebrates the birthday of
civil rights pioneer Martin Luther King Jr.,
his dream of equal opportunity for all races
appears far from being realized in the
country’s most elite political circles.
Women have made major political strides
since the civil rights movement of the
1960s: Five are governors and 13 are in the
Senate, both record-high numbers. But the
statewide jobs that historically have been
steppingstones to the presidency have
remained mostly out of minorities’ reach.
Of the 1,864 people who have served in
the Senate since 1789, 15 have been
minorities: four blacks (two elected), three
Hispanics, four Asian-Americans, three
Native Americans and one Native
Hawaiian. More than 2,200 people have
served as governors. Nine have been
minorities: four Hispanics, three Asian-
Americans, one black and one Native
Hawaiian.
A big boost in those figures is unlikely
this year. There are 34 Senate seats and 36
governor’s offices on the ballot; about 20
minority politicians are running or
Reprinted with permission. All rights reserved.
BS04-02
www.usatodaycollege.com
Cover story

Page 2
considering it. A few are given a fair chance of winning their
primary and general elections, but none is an outright favorite.
Politicians of all races and ethnicities are troubled by the
underrepresentation of minorities in top elective offices. They
believe it has a subtle but unmistakable impact on the way the
nation is governed.
Not until the number of female members began to grow did
Congress begin to devote serious attention — and dollars — to
breast cancer and day care, Sen. Patty Murray, D-Wash, says. “It’s
important to have all kinds of people at the table, so you can have
policies that work for everybody,” she says.
Minority lawmakers who have been elected to top statewide
offices are disappointed that others haven’t followed their lead.
When his official portrait was hung in the state Capitol in
Richmond several years ago, former Virginia governor Douglas
Wilder told the audience, “I would hope that this is not the last
time a picture of an African-American will be hung in these
halls.” So far, his wish has gone unfulfilled. Wilder, elected in
1990, remains the only black ever elected governor in any state.
Edward Brooke, the first of only two blacks ever elected to the
Senate, considers his lack of political heirs “a great tragedy.”
“I always thought in my lifetime I would see progress,” says
Brooke, 81, a Republican who represented Massachusetts in the
Senate from 1967 to 79. “It hasn’t happened.”
Why hasn’t it? More than two dozen black, Hispanic and
Asian-American politicians and experts interviewed by USA
TODAY say some of the blame belongs to over-cautious political
parties, some to risk-averse minority candidates. All agree that it
shows how far King’s dream is from reality.
“This country has a tremendous racial problem,” says Rep.
James Clyburn, D-S.C., who tried and failed twice to win
statewide office. “We don’t like to admit that. People are just
more comfortable with people who look like them.”
Excluded from top posts
To combat that attitude, Congress passed the landmark Voting
Rights Act in 1965. The act opened the doors of state legislatures
and the U.S. House of Representatives by allowing lawmakers to
design legislative and congressional districts likely to elect
minorities.
During the succeeding 37 years, the number of minority
representatives in Congress soared from nine (six blacks and
three Hispanics) to 60 blacks, Hispanics and Asian-Americans
who vote in the House today. Of those, 55 have districts
dominated by minorities.
The pattern is the same for statewide officeholders. All three
Hispanics who have served in the Senate and two of the nation’s
three Hispanic governors came from New Mexico, where
Hispanics constitute the largest ethnic group. All but one of the
five Asian-Americans who have served in the Senate have come
AS SEEN IN USA TODAY NEWS SECTION- MONDAY - January 21, 2002 - 1A
Reprinted with permission. All rights reserved. Page 2
from Hawaii, where Asians and Native Hawaiians are in the
majority.
That’s discouraging for minority candidates who want to run
statewide. Bill Gray, a longtime member of Congress who now
heads the United Negro College Fund, says: “You can
gerrymander a congressional district. How do you carve out a
state and say, ‘That’s the black governor’s state?’ “
Today, major demographic changes are raising the hopes of
Hispanic politicians in Florida and across the Southwest. But the
states with the largest black populations are in the South, where
experts say it’s harder for blacks to win whites’ votes. “They
have the most racially polarized politics,” says David Bositis of
the Joint Center for Economic and Political Studies, a think tank
in Washington that focuses on black issues.
Even in states with large minority voting blocs, some of the
best-known black politicians have been stymied in their careers:
* Andrew Young, a civil rights pioneer who won three terms in
the U.S. House and two as Atlanta’s mayor, couldn’t win his
party’s nod for Georgia governor in 1990.
* Tom Bradley, a respected four-term mayor of Los Angeles,
lost two attempts in the 1980s to become California’s governor.
* Harvey Gantt, a former mayor of Charlotte, lost two races to
unseat Sen. Jesse Helms, R-N.C., despite polls showing him
ahead.
Says Rep. Robert Matsui, D-Calif., one of the top-ranking
Asian-Americans in Congress: “There has been a growing
frustration among minority politicians.”
Among the reasons some of the nation’s most experienced
minority politicians cite for their poor record in statewide
campaigns:
* No farm team: Many politicians lay the groundwork for a
Senate or gubernatorial campaign by first seeking and winning a
lesser statewide office. Brooke won the Massachusetts attorney
general’s race before getting elected to the Senate. Wilder laid
the groundwork for his gubernatorial milestone by first winning
the lieutenant governor’s job.
But of the nation’s 473 statewide elected executives —
lieutenant governors, attorneys general, comptrollers,
secretaries of state and treasurers — eight are black, and seven
are Hispanic. “It’s a shocking shortcoming,” former Atlanta
mayor Maynard Jackson says.
* Prejudice against cities: Many of the nation’s best and
brightest black politicians are mayors. “There’s kind of a
prejudice against urban officials running statewide,” former
Baltimore mayor Kurt Schmoke says.
Ron Walters, a University of Maryland political scientist, cites
Dennis Archer of Detroit, Michael White of Cleveland and Marc
Morial of New Orleans, who have retired or are stepping down
rather than seeking higher office. “Essentially, because of race,

Page 3
Reprinted with permission. All rights reserved. Page 3
they don’t have any future,” Walters says.
* Plain old prejudice: Minority politicians still confront racial
and ethnic stereotypes. Rep. Robert Menendez, D-N.J., recalls one
woman who approached to shake his hand after a speech and, in
a thick Irish brogue, congratulated him on being able to speak
English.
Many remain convinced that white voters won’t elect them.
“The only way an African-American can become a member of the
Senate is by some kind of fluke,” says Rep. Bobby Rush, D-Ill., a
former Black Panther who represents Chicago in Congress. One
example: former Illinois senator Carol Moseley-Braun won an
upset 1992 victory in a three-way Democratic primary against
two white men. Then she benefited from female voters’ outrage
over the Senate’s treatment of Anita Hill, another black woman,
who had testified against the Supreme Court nomination of
Clarence Thomas. Moseley-Braun lost re-election in 1998.
* The color green: Most minority politicians have a harder time
raising money than their white colleagues. Their own political
base often doesn’t include deep-pocketed contributors, and they
have difficulty attracting outside investors. “People just don’t give
money to black candidates,” Rep. Donald Payne, D-N.J., says.
This year, members of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus set up
a political action committee to help boost their numbers. Rep. Joe
Baca, D-Calif., its chairman, says they’ve raised about $500,000.
* The fear factor: Minorities are often discounted by party
leaders and fundraisers recruiting statewide candidates. “There’s
a fear we will not win,” Rep. Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, R-Fla., says.
The message often is “oh, sure, you’re qualified, but . . . ,” Morial
says. “And you know what the ‘but’ is: ‘Maybe it’s not time yet.
Maybe your state’s not ready.’ “
Many minority politicians say their parties’ attitudes have
sapped their own self-confidence. “We have to some extent
bought into the rhetoric,” Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee, D-Texas, says.
Despite their frustrations, minority politicians say they have not
given up hope. With their populations growing, Hispanics and
Asians believe they’ve just begun to flex their political muscle.
Ros-Lehtinen, a former teacher who shied away from a 1981
school board race in Miami’s Dade County because she didn’t
think a Cuban-American could win, now says “it’s just a matter of
time” before minorities win top statewide offices.
Washington state’s Chinese-American Gov. Gary Locke agrees
that “the outlook is promising.”
Blacks are more cautious. But Greg Moore, executive director of
the NAACP’s National Voter Fund, is encouraged to see at least
nine blacks running for governor or senator this year. “I don’t
think I’ve ever seen a list quite this big,” he says. Secretary of State
Colin Powell also is often mentioned as a potential president or
vice president.
Jumping the last barrier
Two minorities who have succeeded in winning top
statewide offices say it takes a leap of faith. Virginia
Democrat Wilder and Massachusetts Republican Brooke say
the years they spent paying dues were key to their victories.
But in the end, both had to defy conventional wisdom and
political mentors to make their landmark campaigns. “I guess
I was elected in spite of my race,” Brooke says.
Most minority politicians believe that progress, while slow,
continues steadily. “We’re only 38 years away from
segregation,” Gray says. “I think we’ve seen a tremendous
empowerment of African-Americans in the last 38 years. The
last barrier is statewide office.”
Contributing: Paul Overberg
Diversity in the Workplace Case Study
AS SEEN IN USA TODAY NEWS SECTION- MONDAY - January 21, 2002 - 1A

Page 4
Diversity in the Workplace Case Study
Reprinted with permission. All rights reserved. Page 4
Minority candidates for 2002
Arizona
Alfredo Gutierrez
Former state senator
Hispanic
Colorado
Stan Matsunaka
State Senate president
Asian-American
Florida
Daryl Jones
State senator
Black
Illinois
Roland Burris
Former state attorney general
Black
Michigan
Alma Wheeler Smith
State senator
Black
New Mexico
Bill Richardson
Former U.S. Energy secretary
Hispanic
New York
Carl McCall
State comptroller
Black
Ohio
Stephanie Tubbs Jones
State representative
Black
Oklahoma
Kelly Haney
State senator
Native American
Oregon
Jim Hill
Former state treasurer
Black
Texas
Dan Morales
Former state attorney general
Hispanic
Texas
Tony Sanchez
Businessman
Hispanic
Wisconsin
Gary George
State senator
Black
Some leading minority candidates for U.S. senator. All are Democrats.
State
Name
Occupation
Race/ethnicity
New Mexico
Gloria Tristani
Former FCC commissioner
Hispanic
North Carolina
Dan Blue
Former state House speaker
Black
Texas
Ron Kirk
Former Dallas mayor
Black
State
Name
Occupation
Race/ethnicity
AS SEEN IN USA TODAY NEWS SECTION- MONDAY - January 21, 2002 - 1A

Page 5
I think that most Americans are
under the impression that racial
problems are well on their way to
being resolved. Certainly race
relations
have
changed
dramatically in my own lifetime.
Yet that fact is not yet reflected in
the most important representative
offices in our nation. It seemed to
me worth raising the question
about why that is and what that
might say about the true state of
civil rights and equal opportunity
in the United States.
There’s actually
a very
interesting election scenario
developing in Texas, where TWO minorities, one Hispanic and one
African American are trying to win the state house and the Senate
seat. The gubernatorial candidate is Tony Sanchez; the Senate
candidate is Ron Kirk. They were recruited by the Democratic
party specifically to bring more minorities to the polls. So after
years of discouraging minority politicians as a potential drag on
the ticket, some parties in at least some states are starting to see
their presence on the ticket as a potential plus. It will be
interesting to see how the campaign plays out in Texas. Already
there have been charges of tokenism, over-playing the race card.
And there’s always the possibility of a white backlash. I am sure
we will be following this race closely this fall.
Kathy Kiely is a Congressional Correspondent for USA TODAY.
She graduated from Princeton University (in one of the first
classes to graduate women) in 1977 with a degree in English
literature. Kathy worked at the college paper and went on to
become a general assignment reporter for the Pittsburgh Press.
She became the paper’s Washington correspondent in 1981 and
has made the nation’s capital her home base ever since. Kathy
served as Washington bureau chief for the Houston Post and the
Arkansas Democrat-Gazette. Immediately before joining USA
TODAY in 1998, she was the White House correspondent for the
New York Daily News. Kathy is originally from Pittsburgh,
Pennsylvania.
Reprinted with permission. All rights reserved. Page 5
Behind the Story:A Reporter’s Notebook
Kathy Kiely

Page 6
Reprinted with permission. All rights reserved. Page 6
Are female CEOs getting a raw deal?
At a time when turnover in corner offices
seems to be intensifying, management
experts say the corporate performance
among major and high-profile companies
run by women could be as damaging to
other female executives as the sexism and
gender discrimination that dominate
Corporate America’s boards and executive
offices.
Despite rampant turnover, women are
getting virtually no chance to run major
companies. Since 1998, more than 200
Fortune 500 companies have replaced CEOs
— some, such as AT&T, Coca-Cola and
Procter & Gamble, more than once. But only
Hewlett-Packard and Avon Products named
women CEOs. Given the perception that
they’re already scrutinized and judged more
harshly than male executives, there’s
growing fear that the current track record
among key female CEOs may make it even
tougher for other women trying to crack the
glass ceiling, says Sara Teslik, director of the
Council of Institutional Investors. Examples:
* Carly Fiorina became the world’s most
powerful businesswoman when she was
named H-P’s CEO in July 1999. Her marquee
value has slipped in tandem with H-P’s
market value — down $92 billion since April
alone. Especially damaging: a surprise
quarterly earnings shortfall just weeks after
Fiorina assured Wall Street the company
would meet forecasts.
* Jill Barad was forced out at toymaker
Mattel in February, after a string of earnings
disappointments and the misguided $3.5
billion acquisition of software provider
Learning Co. Under Barad, Mattel’s market
value sank more than 75%.
* Under Linda Wachner, apparel
maker Warnaco shares are down 90%
from 52-week highs. Most Wall Street
analysts see no quick turnaround.
Female CEOs may be unfairly singled
out at a time when Wall Street is
making mincemeat of entire industries
and CEOs no matter what their gender.
That’s why Lucent and Xerox recently
replaced CEOs, and why Coca-Cola,
AT&T and Procter & Gamble have gone
through three white, male CEOs in
short order.
Still, “Men screw up all the time, but
they’re held to a different standard,”
says White Rain products marketing
executive Maureen Gregory, who has
held management slots at Duracell,
Procter & Gamble, Calvin Klein and
Estee Lauder. “When a woman screws
up, she’s held to a different standard.”
“There are so few women CEOs, the
spotlight on them is even brighter,”
says Sheila Wellington of Catalyst, a
women’s advocacy group. “When
they fail, they get disproportionate
notice.”
In recent years, Silicon Valley and
New Economy businesses have
provided women far greater
management opportunities. But this
year’s broad downturn of the Internet
and tech-related industry has focused
more attention on the women in top
management.
Having left established companies
for the lure of power and fat stock
option packages, Internet flameouts
are hurting many fast-track careers
and pocketbooks among both men
and women. Several women once
Too-bright spotlight burns
female CEOs
Many firms faring poorly now, but women pay dearly
By Gary Strauss and Del Jones
AS SEEN IN USA TODAY MONEY SECTION - MONDAY - December 18, 2000 - 3B
Jill Barad; Female execs are often judged by appearance.
Mattel’s ex-CEO was noted for her short skirts.
Linda Wachner: Women CEOs haven’t been around long.
Wachner, at Warnaco since ‘87, is an exception.
AP
by Robert Deutsch, USA TODAY

Page 7
Reprinted with permission. All rights reserved. Page 7
considered a lock for promotions at major firms are mired at out-
of-favor New Economy companies.
Former Sprint Chief Operating Officer Patti Hart joined
broadband services provider Telocity as CEO in June 1999. Since a
March initial public stock offering, Telocity shares have sunk 90%,
from $16 to $1.63. EBay — run by CEO Meg Whitman — is off 70%
from its 52-week high.
Candace Carpenter, a former executive at American Express and
upscale home shopping channel Q2, co-founded iVillage, an online
network aimed at women. She stepped aside as CEO in late July.
IVillage shares are down 97% from their high.
Former Citigroup CFO Heidi Miller joined Priceline.com as CFO in
March before resigning in late October. The stock has fallen from
about $95 to $1.81.
Geraldine Laybourne continues to struggle with another high-
profile young start-up targeting women, Oxygen Media. While the
privately held firm is trying for a bigger foothold in cable television
and the Internet, Laybourne has laid off 10% of her workforce,
closed Internet commerce sites and overhauled TV programming.
Clearly, there are many successful female CEOs running small to
medium-size companies, but most of the high-profile successes,
such as Martha Stewart and Oprah Winfrey, gained business world
clout by creating their own companies.
Lengthen the track?
One could argue that women have been in the top jobs too short
a time to be judged. Only Wachner, at Warnaco since 1987, has
protracted tenure. Barad lasted as Mattel CEO just 37 months.
But shareholders these days are cutting few CEOs of lousy-
performing companies much slack to get their companies back on
track. Douglas Ivester lasted just 30 months as CEO of Coca-Cola.
Procter & Gamble’s Durk Jager was ousted after less than two
years. Lloyd Ward lasted 15 months at Maytag, while Robert
Nakasone left after 18 months at Toys R Us.
Gillette, Lucent, Hershey and several other major firms continue
to have “help wanted” signs posted for CEOs. Headhunters say it’s
doubtful any will select a woman. Not that there aren’t sufficient
candidates.
There are easily 100 qualified female executives available to run
Fortune 500 companies, says Jeff Christian, CEO of headhunter
Christian & Timbers.
Look no further than Andrea Jung, Avon CEO since November
1999. Despite a broad Wall Street downturn, Avon shares have
jumped 33% since Jung’s appointment.
“Andrea has exceptional leadership skills, physical stamina and
the ambition to succeed,” says Avon Chairman Stanley Gault, who
says companies engaging in gender-bias are in peril. “There’s a
tremendous amount of (female) talent out there. Industry will pay
the price if their progress is retarded.”
Other oft-mentioned CEO candidates: Dawn Lepore, vice
chairman at broker Charles Schwab; Betsy Holden, CEO of Philip
Morris’ Kraft Foods unit; and PepsiCo President Indra Nooyi.
Women continue to lose out to white men. Despite substantial
gains in the mid-1990s, just 12.5% of the senior executives at
Fortune 500 companies were women last year, according to a
Catalyst study. Only 11.7% of Fortune 500 corporate directors were
women. Yet critics note that many female Fortune 500 directors
also hold multiple board seats — “celebrity directors” picked more
for their names and former government titles than for business
acumen.
With that kind of mix, “there’s definitely a bias against hiring a
woman” CEO, says Christian.
Shauna Sowell, a Texas Instruments vice president who has often
been the first woman promoted to several of her assignments,
says the first wave of female CEOs faces unfair pressure in the
work environment not unlike what Jackie Robinson faced when he
broke through Major League Baseball’s color barrier. “Failure is not
an option,” because it gives decision makers justification for not
hiring other women.
Combined with the relative scarcity of female mentors and peers
in executive management ranks, women have few allies to help
them advance or provide safeguards when they fail, says Aaron
Brown, portfolio manager of the Allied Owners Action Fund, which
takes stakes in firms that can profit from aggressive shareholder
oversight.
Diversity in the Workplace Case Study
Strong showing by women
The year 2000 may not have been a stellar one for most large
companies with female CEOs, but nine of the 10 Fortune 1,000
companies with the most women on their boards of directors
have outperformed the S&P 500 index.
Percentage of board members Gain (loss)
who are women in 2000
Golden West Financial
56%
81.7%
Avon Products
50%
25.9%
Beverly Enterprises
44%
54.3%
Wellpoint Health Networks
43%
48.3%
JoAnn Stores
38% (38.3%)
Consolidated Edison
36%
2.0%
Omnicare
33%
54.7%
Aetna
31%
22.1%
Northeast Utilities
30%
9.4%
Wisconsin Energy
30%
8.3%
S&P 500
(10.7%)
Sources: USA TODAY research, Catalyst
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Reprinted with permission. All rights reserved. Page 8
Shareholders, Brown says, don’t care if CEOs are women or
minorities as long as the companies perform, Teslik says. But,
Brown says, female managers are allowed far less slack by others
in the company. “It’s quite possible that at the older, established
companies, they’re more willing to dump
on a woman because they don’t have the
safety net of strong allies on the board,”
Brown says. “And a lot of women
promoted to CEO don’t have strong allies
below, either. They’ve been brought in
from the outside or promoted from
within, but through areas like marketing.”
Lingering gender bias
When Coca-Cola, AT&T and Procter &
Gamble first replaced their CEOs within
the past few years, they tapped white
men. When they failed, they quickly got
other white men. General Electric, known
for its largely white, deep pool of
management talent, just named Jeffrey
Immelt, who is white, to succeed Jack
Welch. Also-rans James McNerney and
Robert Nardelli were quickly tapped to
head 3M and Home Depot.
“It’s uncool to voice these thoughts, but
men are much more comfortable with
other men,” Christian says. “There aren’t
enough women in Corporate America, so
they don’t necessarily see them as peers.”
And while gender bias is less pervasive
at Silicon Valley firms — which tend to be
more receptive to women both when it
comes to management positions and
providing venture capital — it still lingers.
Anu Shukla, who recently sold her marketing software
company, Rubric, to Broadbase Software for $331 million, says
even in enlightened Silicon Valley, old habits die hard.
Shukla is on the boards of directors of six privately held
companies. “There are some prominent women CEOs in Silicon
Valley, and this area is definitely more advanced,” she says. “But
women still have to take matters in their own hands. I had to start
my own company to become a CEO. And it still amazes me when
I’m at a board meeting and I hear talk about ‘getting a good man
to fix a problem.’ “
Judging a CEO by her skirt
Women are also judged for their sartorial style in ways men
aren’t. Barad, for example, was noted for her short skirts and
flamboyant style, which occasionally
included dancing at management
meetings. Katrina Garnett, former CEO of
high-tech start-up CrossWorlds Software,
gained both notoriety and backlash from
feminists for appearing in a $1 million
corporate ad campaign in a little black
dress.
And women tend to be judged more
harshly on behavior. A woman may be
labeled temperamental or emotional,
while a man exhibiting the same
behavior might be lauded for his
aggressiveness and pragmatic style, says
Susan Annunzio, a partner in global
management consultant Nextera
Enterprises and author of eLeadership,
due out in February 2001. Those who
work long hours might be considered
control freaks, while men in similar
positions might be viewed as dedicated,
she says.
“The what’s-acceptable margins are
much narrower for women than men,”
Wellington says. “A woman in power still
makes many people feel uncomfortable.”
Christian, Gregory and others expect
women to capture more CEO slots, but
not in substantially larger numbers for a
decade or so.
Women now in their 20s and early 30s
will be viable CEO candidates, in part because they learned to
compete and win at a young age. That’s thanks to having had
working mothers and federal mandates such as Title IX, which
banned sex discrimination in athletics and provided funding for
school sports programs that taught young women how to
compete and win, Gregory says.
And as more women enter the management ranks, they’ll
achieve “critical mass,” says Sowell, as they’ve done in professions
such as law.
Contributing: Barbie Hansen and Shannon Reilly
Diversity in the Workplace Case Study
Few new women in
corporate power
The number of female corporate
officials has slightly increased since
1995. Fortune 500 positions:
1995 2000
Board
directors
Corporate
officers
Corporate
line
officers
1
Top
earners
1 - 1997 vs. 2000
11.7%
8.7%
12.5%
5.3%
7.3%
4.1 %
1.2%
9.5%
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Page 9
AS SEEN IN USA TODAY MONEY SECTION - TUESDAY - January 22, 2002 - 12B
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Philanthropist nurtures tech
start-ups bywomen
By Jim Hopkins
SAN FRANCISCO — Catherine Muther has often been one step
ahead of the crowd.
The granddaughter of a Boston suffragette, Muther landed at
Cisco Systems as head of marketing in 1989, when the company
was still young and women were rarely seen in the executive
suite. Nearly five years and one Cisco initial public offering later,
Muther left with millions of dollars’ worth of stock. She plunged
into the relatively new field of venture philanthropy — taking an
active role in the causes she supports.
But unlike other New Economy philanthropists, Muther poured
$2 million of her Cisco stock into a charitable foundation that
created a non-profit business incubator for a neglected niche:
technology start-ups launched by women. The Women’s
Technology Cluster, housed in a state-of-the-art building in San
Francisco, is home to 16 software, wireless and other information
technology ventures.
Participating start-ups must have a woman among the
principals. Ventures can stay in the incubator for up to two years.
In return for support, start-ups pledge 2% of their stock to the
cluster’s Venture Philanthropy Fund to support future
entrepreneurs.
Twelve companies sheltered in the incubator have left, putting
Muther, 54, at the center of efforts nationally to boost tech
businesses founded by women. Three of the 12 have been sold.
An additional five remain in business and have more than 100
employees.
The number of female-owned companies has been growing
twice as fast as the number owned by men. Yet they are
concentrated in low-growth sectors, such as retailing, instead of
fast-growing fields, such as tech. That makes it less likely that
they’ll become future economic engines churning out jobs and tax
revenue. Muther aims to change that with an incubator that gives
women access to venture capitalists, lawyers and other key
players in entrepreneurship.
Born to privilege; giving back
Born in 1947, Muther was reared in the upper-crust Boston
suburb of Newton. Her father was a labor lawyer, her mother a
social worker. Their three boys and one girl were born over just
five years, so they were very close. They did everything —
including getting newspaper carrier routes — together. “We were
kind of this pack,” Muther says.
She was one of the very few girls delivering The Boston Globe.
Walter and Ruth Muther taught their children about the
importance of work and giving back to the community. Muther
traces these values to her paternal grandmother, a turn-of-the-
century community activist who once dressed as the Statue of
Liberty in a campaign to give women the vote.
Muther’s interest in foreign cultures drove her academic career.
She got a bachelor’s in anthropology at Sarah Lawrence College,
where she is a member of the board of directors, and a master’s in
social anthropology at Cambridge University in England. But a job
at Wellesley College, managing the Center for Research on
Women, pushed Muther toward entrepreneurship. “I really liked
running things,” she says.
In 1976, she enrolled at Stanford’s Graduate School of Business
in the heart of Silicon Valley. Women made up about 20% of her
graduating class. That was a huge increase from the 3% to 4% of
just a few years before, but well under current rates of about 40%.
There was a bonus to being a pioneering female MBA student: no
established career path. Muther didn’t get pigeonholed into a
limited number of jobs.
She joined consulting firm Arthur D. Little, where she landed a
federal government contract to help minority-owned companies
grow. In her first broad contact with entrepreneurs, she learned
that start-ups weren’t for slackers. “It’s not a fun job,” she said in
an interview at the Women’s Technology Cluster building in San
Francisco’s Potrero Hill neighborhood. “The people who are
engaged in creating and building businesses have a real passion
and commitment for it.”
By 1983, when she left Arthur D. Little, Muther wanted to be on
the other side of her desk — working in business management,
instead of just giving advice. It was clear that technology was the
future of business. That led to a job as head of marketing at Bridge
Communications, a computer networking company.
Three years later, Bridge merged with 3Com, where Muther
became vice president of corporate marketing. By 1989, she’d
gone from being a tech outsider to overseeing marketing at a
company with $250 million in annual revenue.
The Cisco years
Around this time, a group of Stanford computer scientists had
started Cisco. In 1989, when co-founder Len Bosach recruited
Muther to lead marketing, the computer networking company

Page 10
had just $25 million in annual revenue and was still privately
owned. During the nearly five years she was there, Cisco’s growth
exploded to more than $1 billion in annual revenue.
In that male-dominated company, Muther pushed for change.
She gave other executives electronic “zappers” with flashing red
lights. They were used to make a buzzing sound whenever
someone made a sexist remark during management meetings,
says Cisco Chairman John Morgridge. “She certainly was a major
factor in bringing the gender issue to Cisco,” he says.
The company went public a year after Muther joined. Its stock,
adjusted for splits, skyrocketed from pennies a share to more than
$80 at its peak in 2000.
Early insiders, such as Muther, did very well. “As I realized I was
becoming a wealthy person,” Muther says, “I asked myself
questions: What does this mean? And what am I going to do about
this?” Morgridge had an answer. Bounding into her office one day,
he talked about donating some of his wealth to a college
scholarship program for minority students. “Oh, Cate, you have to
do this! It’s so much fun!” Morgridge said.
They collaborated on a proposed gift to Stanford meant to
increase the number of female faculty members in the business
school. Their idea hit more than a few obstacles. The experience
gave Muther an eye-opening lesson about philanthropy: It’s hard
for established institutions to change, even when they’re receiving
money as an incentive.
Muther left Cisco in 1994. She started her foundation, the Three
Guineas Fund, a year later. Its mission — expanding opportunities
for women and girls in education and the economy — combines
her parents’ lessons about work and self-sufficiency with Muther’s
own interest in helping women. The fund, which has $5 million in
assets, takes up most of Muther’s philanthropic time. She receives
no salary.
A major venture of the fund is the Women’s Technology Cluster,
which is in an industrial neighborhood favored by dot-commers.
The 30,000-square-foot building has office suites with fireplaces,
giving a homey feel to the start-ups housed there. Some rooms are
decorated with artwork Muther has collected. Like many business
incubators, the cluster offers cut-rate office space, support staff and
links to a network of accountants, lawyers, marketers, venture
capitalists and others in finance.
Focus on women
Recently, in a meeting room overlooking the Three Guineas
office in the building, Muther laughed as she recalled details of her
childhood. To illustrate a point, she leaned over a coffee table to
sketch details of the plan to increase female faculty at Stanford.
While other philanthropists have used businesses to advance
their mission, Muther is one of the very few who have focused on
women. Her Cisco background is a huge asset. “It increases her
credibility and her network,” says Andrea Silbert, CEO of the
Center for Women & Enterprise, a Boston training program for
female entrepreneurs. “She was a pioneer in the sense that she
knew the technology sector. She knew women were entering it.
And she knew that the change she could make was at the entry
point.”
Muther has an armload of honors for her work — from speaking
at the first White House Conference on Philanthropy to winning
Ernst & Young’s 2001 Supporter of Entrepreneurship award in
November.
Morgridge, traveling the nation, says he is amazed by the
number of people who devote their lives to philanthropy. “Cate
Muther is one of those kinds of people,” he says. She “has really
taken on an issue and made it very visible, and in that, has become
a role model for women looking at philanthropy.”
Reprinted with permission. All rights reserved
Page 10
About Muther
• Name: Catherine Muther
• Age: 54
• Title: Founder, Three Guineas fund
• Based: San Francisco
• Mission: Promoting social justice by creating economic opportunity for women and girls.
• About fund’s name: Muther named it for Virginia Woolf’s 1938 book, Three Guineas, to reflect the fund’s
mission. In an essay, Woolf responds to three requests for a guinea — a British gold coin — one for building
a women’s college, one for promoting women’s employment and one to prevent war and protect
intellectual liberty.
Diversity in the Workplace Case Study
by Jack Gruber, USA TODAY
AS SEEN IN USA TODAY MONEY SECTION - TUESDAY - January 22, 2002 - 12B

Page 11
Reprinted with permission. All rights reserved. Page 11
Indiana coaches mark social
change
African-Americans hired for key jobs
By Steve Wieberg
Late last week, as Tyrone Willingham was
showing a handful of potential recruits
around campus, a headline in the South Bend
(Ind.) Tribune underscored the significance of
his hiring as Notre Dame’s first black football
coach.
“Coalition discusses how to curb Klan,” it
declared, and the story beneath detailed the
efforts of area activists and officials who’d
packed a meeting hall the night before.
The Ku Klux Klan once dominated politics
in the state, and one of its largest and most
aggressive spinoffs, the American Knights of
the Ku Klux Klan, has its origins some two
hours to the east in Butler, Ind.
“No question,” says Mark Potak of the
Southern Poverty Law Center, “Indiana has a
history of very troubled race relations . . .
more than many other states.”
But it also bears ample evidence of social
growth, including a black sheriff in a county
in which the state’s last lynching was carried
out in 1930. And in at least one respect,
Indiana is a paragon of modern
enlightenment.
In the past 18 months — from Isiah Thomas
to Mike Davis to Willingham to Tony Dungy
— its four most prominent sports teams have
turned to African-American coaches.
“It’s striking. I don’t think there’s any other place in the country
where that’s true,” says sports sociologist Richard Lapchick, who
heads the sports business management program at Central Florida
University. The closest parallel is the New York-New Jersey
corridor in which the NFL’s Jets, the NBA’s Knicks and Nets and St.
John’s basketball all have black coaches.
Thomas was the first piece to fall into place, taking over the
NBA’s Indiana Pacers in July 2000. The following March, Davis was
named the permanent successor to Indiana University basketball
legend Bob Knight.
Notre Dame formally named Willingham on New Year’s Day.
Dungy completed the grand slam Tuesday, when the NFL’s
Indianapolis Colts hired him just eight days after he was let go by
the Tampa Bay Buccaneers.
“What’s significant here is not just that they’re all minorities,”
says Floyd Keith, executive director of the Indianapolis-based
Black Coaches Association. “They’re all qualified and very capable
and went through the process and were hired independently.
Now, is it coincidence? Or are we making progress, slow as it may
be?”
By Charles Rex Arbogast, AP
Success is great equalizer: Mike Davis, right, has the Indiana University basketball team back in the top 25.
He took over a team in turmoil after Bob Knight was forced out.
AS SEEN IN USA TODAY SPORTS SECTION - MONDAY - January 28, 2002 - 10C

Page 12
Reprinted with permission. All rights reserved. Page 12
Most claim progress.
“Sports sometimes has the opportunity to lead,” Lapchick says.
“And race has been one of the areas where it has been best at
doing that, even though it certainly doesn’t have a perfect record.
Because this happened in an area that hasn’t been known for any
particularly progressive politics on the issue, it will make other
people stand up and take a look.”
Thomas, the former IU All-American and NBA star who slid into
the seat vacated by the retiring Larry Bird, is one of 13 black head
coaches in the 29-team NBA. Elsewhere in sports, minority hires
are rarer.
Including Davis, fewer than three in 10 basketball coaches in the
NCAA’s 321-school Division I are black.
Among the 115 coaches in major-college football, Willingham is
one of only four.
Dungy and the Jets’ Herman Edwards are the only two in the
32-team NFL.
One by one, as the question of skin color inevitably has come
up, the Indiana coaches have publicly played it down. “The fact
you have to think about race as an issue puts one more weight on
your shoulder that shouldn’t have to be there,” Thomas says.
Still, “I would hope things are changing, where people are
viewed by the character they possess and not necessarily the
color of their skin,” he says. “Particularly in the state of Indiana,
sports have been a catalyst for societal change. The sports arena is
where black and white always came together and were able to
compete. The playing field was level.”
Les Lamon, a history professor at IU-South Bend who heads that
school’s Civil Rights Heritage Center, has his own pragmatic view
of Indiana coaching’s new diversification: “I think it probably tells
us that self-interest, interest in athletic success, is taking
precedence over traditional attitudes and reservations and
practices.
“I’ve studied the civil rights movement. And what you find is
that once African-Americans and their supporters became enough
of a powerful force, then people — whether it was in business or
other areas — began to back off of their exclusionary practices.”
Of course, Indiana’s statement grows stronger if the four
coaches succeed.
Thomas took the talented young Pacers to the playoffs in his
first season and, despite Al Harrington’s season-ending knee
injury, probably will do so again this year.
Dungy hooked up with a potential Super Bowl contender in
Peyton Manning and the Colts.
Davis has Indiana back in the top 25 following Saturday’s 88-57
victory Saturday vs. then-No. 8 Illinois. Willingham inherits Notre
Dame’s considerable pressure and formidable tradition and
recruiting appeal.
“Indiana is not a progressive place in general. However, there
are progressive people in Indiana. There are people who, for
decades, have been working toward this kind of a possibility,” says
James Madison, an IU professor, historian and author whose most
recent book examines that Depression-era lynching of two black
teenagers in Marion, Ind.
Regardless of the wins and losses to come, he maintains the
coaches already own an imprint on the state’s history.
“My 25-year-old son probably doesn’t find this so unusual,”
Madison says. “I do. Because I have the context, I know what this
signifies. And it’s not just a little step. It’s a big step.”
Diversity in the Workplace Case Study
By Todd Plitt, USA TODAY
Intense spotlight: Isiah Thomas is expected to take the Pacers back to the NBA
playoffs. He first came to Indiana to play for Bob Knight.
AS SEEN IN USA TODAY SPORTS SECTION - MONDAY - January 28, 2002 - 10C

Page 13
By Stephanie Armour
When Cyrus Mehri decided to take on Coca-Cola, he spent
months scouting for another law firm to join in his David vs.
Goliath battle.
The Washington lawyer went to six major firms in cities such as
Atlanta and New York, hoping they would help him represent
African-American employees who claimed the soft-drink giant
had discriminated against them. No one, he says, wanted in.
“They wouldn’t dare touch it,” Mehri says. “They’d say, ‘Suing
Coke in Atlanta is like suing the Pope in the Vatican.’ “
They may be regretting it now. Coca-Cola decided in November
to settle the case for $192.5 million, and attorneys’ fees are
expected to top $20 million. Under the agreement, class members
will divide $92.4 million, based on service, for compensatory
damages, back pay and promotion-achievement awards. Coca-
Cola also will allocate an estimated $43.5 million to pay equity
adjustments and invest $36 million in diversity-reform programs.
But as lucrative settlements and racial-discrimination cases
mount, questions are being raised about how effective such high-
stakes lawsuits are at bringing about change. To plaintiffs and their
lawyers, the legal victories are a sign that minorities are wielding
unprecedented clout as they use the courts to accomplish change.
Critics argue that legal fees are so staggering, lawyers are bringing
frivolous claims that hurt diversity efforts rather than help.
The debate is intensifying because the legal arena is fast
becoming a new civil-rights battleground for business-related
claims. From Lockheed Martin to Boeing to Amtrak, companies
that have faced racial-discrimination lawsuits in the past decade
read like a Who’s Who of business.
Texaco in 1996 paid $176 million to settle claims. Shoney’s
settled a race-discrimination case in 1993 for $132 million. Winn-
Dixie Stores agreed in 1999 to settle claims for $33 million. This
month, a racial-discrimination lawsuit against Microsoft was
broadened to seek class-action status and $5 billion in damages.
Racial-harassment charges filed with the Equal Employment
Opportunity Commission (EEOC) have mushroomed from about
10,000 in the 1980s to nearly 50,000 in the 1990s. Such charges
made up 3% of all race-based complaints in the 1980s, compared
with 23% of all race-complaint charges in fiscal year 2000. Civil-
rights complaints in U.S. district courts more than doubled bet-
ween 1990 and 1998, in an increase that the Justice Department
attributes primarily to more employment-related cases.
“People are starting to speak up more, especially African-
Americans,” says Linda Ingram of Marietta, Ga., a former senior
information analyst at Coca-Cola who was part of the class-action
lawsuit against the company. “It’s a wake-up call.”
A rise in litigation
But critics contend that the increase in cases is not necessarily
about justice. They point to the Civil Rights Act of 1991, which
made it possible for employees bringing claims of racial
discrimination, sexual harassment and similar civil cases to obtain
punitive and compensatory damages. The damages are capped at
$300,000 per person for large firms, but employment lawyers say
Reprinted with permission. All rights reserved. Page 13
Bias suits put spotlight on
workplace diversity
Critics cite lucrative fees; advocates say cases bring progress
AS SEEN IN USA TODAY MONEY SECTION - WEDNESDAY - January 10, 2001 - 1B
By Steven Schaefer, Agence France–Presse
Aftermath: Attorney Cyrus Mehri, left, talks about the settlement with Coca-Cola of
a racial discriminition case. Listening are plaintiffs, from left, Linda Ingram, Kimberly
Gray Orton and Elvenyia Barton-Gibson.

Page 14
the new financial incentives have turned companies into
vulnerable targets.
Because of the legislation, some say it has become too risky for
companies that deny charges to let cases get to court. Instead,
they must agree to large settlements for fear they will have to pay
even more if the lawsuit goes before a jury, corporate lawyers say.
And they say the high-stakes settlements actually may
undermine diversity efforts, alienating non-minorities and forcing
companies to surrender too much control to outside diversity task
forces.
“It’s hard to say there’s more discrimination today than 20 years
ago, but if you look at the numbers, you’d say we’ve regressed.
That’s ridiculous. Employers are legitimately afraid of being sued,”
says Larry Lorber, a Washington employment lawyer at Proskauer
Rose.
“The lawyers in Coke got $20 million, and I don’t think they
ever set foot in court . . . Looking at some of these cases, this was
not what the civil-rights fight in the 1960s was all about.
Everybody’s afraid. It’s real damaging. Does it build in a
disincentive to hire women or minorities? I think yes.”
But a number of plaintiffs and their lawyers deny that the
balance of power has seesawed too far in favor of minority
employees, and they say it is still a Herculean task to find lawyers
willing to take on formidable corporations. Because mounting a
legal battle against big business’ legion of lawyers is a costly risk,
many still balk. They say just because a case may bring about a
lucrative settlement doesn’t mean the claims are not legitimate.
Legal fees like those obtained in the Coca-Cola settlement are
not excessive, they say, because lawyers may devote years and
spend substantial amounts of their own money building a case.
What’s more, they say, minorities are turning to the courts as a
last resort because they’re so frustrated by the glacial pace of
progress. Minority women are more than twice as likely as white
women to say there’s been no change in advancement
opportunities in the past five years, according to a 1999 study by
New York-based research advisory group Catalyst.
“Frankly, people are mad as hell, and they don’t want to take it
anymore,” says George Eddings of Houston, a former employee of
Coca-Cola’s Minute Maid division and a plaintiff in the class-action
lawsuit. “There’s nothing you can really do to explain to the critics
the vicious hate and pang of racism. Unless they don the skin of a
black man or woman and deal with the slights, some overt, that
rob you of your spirit and will to compete, they just won’t
understand.”
In the Coca-Cola lawsuit, plaintiffs alleged that the company
discriminated against African-Americans in pay, performance
reviews and promotions. Former employees say they were denied
mentoring relationships and passed over for promotions, while
others with lower performance ratings got ahead.
The company denied the allegations.
No matter what the reasons for the rise in claims, the lawsuits
are having an impact on companies. Some employers who have
been sued are continuing to increase minority hires years after
settling race discrimination claims.
Shoney’s settled a lawsuit brought by plaintiffs who alleged
they were discriminated against — passed over for promotions
and kept in low-visibility and low-paying jobs. Some black
employees say they were denied any management jobs.
Now Shoney’s has seen the number of blacks who are
managers grow from about 14.5% in 1993 to 38.9% today, officials
say. The settlement agreement has led to programs such as
internal complaint procedures, mandatory diversity training for
managers and performance evaluations linked to retention of
minorities.
Texaco took a public relations thrashing over tape-recordings of
executives referring to African-Americans as “black jelly beans.” It
has since increased minority hires despite a slowdown in its
employment growth. The percentage of minority employees at
Texaco has inched upward from 21% in 1991 to 22%, according to
a diversity task force report last year.
In that case, plaintiffs alleged that the oil company
systematically discriminated against minorities in promotions.
Workers say they endured racial prejudice and name calling.
Since the settlement, there have been challenges as well as
accomplishments. An independent task force established to
monitor Texaco’s diversity efforts found that “a continuing
challenge is that ‘backlash’ comments are still repeatedly heard
from a vocal minority of employees. Comments along the line of ‘ .
. . because of the lawsuit, the company is only promoting women
and minorities’ were reported at every location we visited.”
“We’re dealing with backlash. It deals with white males feeling
disenfranchised,” says Angela Vallot, director of corporate
diversity initiatives at Texaco in White Plains, N.Y.
Unintended consequences
While the lawsuits may help bring change, some employment
lawyers, such as Memphis-based Timothy Bland, warn that they
can also have troublesome repercussions. The lawsuits may leave
“some companies gun-shy about hiring minorities,” Bland says.
“Corporations may hold onto employees with performance pr
The rise in employment claims, such as those alleging racial
discrimination, is having unintended consequences that some
employment lawyers warn may inalterably sour employee-
employer relations. Many employers who never before thought
about being sued are buying employment liability insurance with
unprecedented zeal; the plans generally provide up to $50 million
in coverage for compensatory damages, settlements, legal fees
and related costs.
To avoid damaging lawsuits, more companies are requiring
employees to arbitrate claims rather than air them in court. To
some, arbitration is a welcome reprieve from contentious legal
duels, while others say it strips workers of their right to a trial.
Reprinted with permission. All rights reserved. Page 14
Diversity in the Workplace Case Study
AS SEEN IN USA TODAY MONEY SECTION - WEDNESDAY - January 10, 2001 - 1B

Page 15
As the claims mount, plaintiffs’ lawyers vow to press on. The
victories most relished aren’t the lucrative settlements, they say.
Rather, it’s the ability to bring national attention to racial
discrimination, an issue they say is often ignored. In fact, many a
lawsuit has become a cause celebre championed by such
prominent figures as Johnnie Cochran and Jesse Jackson.
They also say the lawsuits will continue because they lead to
improvements that last long after the cases are settled. That’s
because more settlements now require companies to heed
compliance officials or task forces that oversee future diversity
efforts. Coca-Cola, for example, agreed to the creation of an
outside task force that will issue binding findings and provide
independent oversight of company diversity efforts. If the
company disagrees with the task force’s recommendations,
plaintiffs’ lawyers say the only way it can get around them is to
seek relief in the courts.
“It’s important to avail ourselves of the best thinking, whether it
be inside or outside the company,” says Ben Deutsch, a spokesman
at Coca-Cola. “The task force will help us take our current and
future programs and either validate them or make them better.”
To plaintiffs such as Elvenyia Barton-Gibson, such arrangements
are the real prize. For years, she says, her former employer, Coca-
Cola, denied African-Americans the opportunity to achieve career
success. There were no informal mentors and no one to help, she
says. She believes that an independent task force is more
imperative than money for implementing long-term reforms.
“The most powerful thing we achieved was the ability to change
the organization,” says Barton-Gibson of Missouri City, Texas. “It’s
easier for someone to give you their money than to concede
power. We just used the law to find justice, plain and simple.
Reprinted with permission. All rights reserved. Page 15
Diversity in the Workplace Case Study
AS SEEN IN USA TODAY MONEY SECTION - WEDNESDAY - January 10, 2001 - 1B

Page 16
These are America’s governors
1. If you were the campaign manager for a minority candidate running
for political office, what would be the focus of your campaign? First
provide a scenario of the geographic location, demographics, and type
of office.
2. How would you raise the appropriate funds to conduct the cam-
paign and what difficulties might you incur?
Too-bright spotlight burns female CEOs
1. How did the feminist movement of the 60s contribute to the success
and failure of today’s female corporate leaders?
2. What types of businesses would benefit with a female CEO in
charge? What would these benefits be?
Indiana coaches mark social change
1. What are the benefits and drawbacks to hiring a coach of the same
ethno-racial background as the majority of his/her players?
Bias suits put spotlight on workplace diversity
1. Provide a company scenario and then design a plan of action so that
the company’s employees would be representative of the community
at large and/or the company’s customer base.
About Dr. Smith
Additional resources
For discussion
Future
implications:
Mike Smith previously resided in Niagara-on-the-Lake, Ontario and worked as an assistant golf
professional and account executive for Molson and Brick breweries. In 1992, he returned to school and
completed a Masters of Science in foundations of teaching, and a second masters degree in elementary
education at Niagara University. In 2001, he completed his Ph.D. at the University of Buffalo in social
foundations and multiculturalism. During the past eight years, Mike has been employed as an adjunct
professor and assistant professor of education at Niagara University and an adjunct professor of education at
D’Youville College in New York State.
www.usatodaycollege.com Page 16
1. What steps do schools
and businesses need to take
to ensure gender and ethno-
cultural equality? Should
government and outside
accrediting organizations be
involved?
2. How important is a
diverse workforce for U.S.
corporations that compete
in a global economy?
3. How should U.S. immigra-
tion policy change to meet
the needs of the country’s
people and the economic
demands of a global econo-
my? Should the U.S. move
to more liberal immigration
and multiculturalism poli-
cies such as those enacted
in Canada?
Banks, J. A. and Banks, C.A. (2001). Multicultural Education:
Issues and Perspectives (4th ed.) New York: Wile This text offers
a holistic perspective to multiculturalism and discusses four
approaches that teachers use to infuse multicultural education into
the classroom. It also addresses issues on diversity ranging from
gender and cultural bias to religion, language, and socio-economic
status.
Covey, Stephen R. (1990). The Seven Habits of Highly Effective
People. New York: Fireside. This text provides a universal frame-
work that encourages the readers to first reflect on their
paradigms and then apply seven principles that will assist them to
gain a better understanding of diversity.
Spring, Joel. (2000). The Intersection of Cultures: Multicultural
Education in the United States and the Global Economy (2nd
ed.) Massachusetts: McGraw Hill. This text is divided into three
sections that offer insights into dominan<None>t, dominated, and
immigrant cultures and the impact of multiculturalism in a global
economy. It also provides information regarding historical cultural
frames of reference and offers suggestions concerning the teaching
of diversity issues.